New England and Caribbean Slavery
Harvard’s financial ties to slavery are multifaceted, and the economic links between colonial New England and the Caribbean provide critical context to understand such entanglements. Trade between New England and the West Indies proved so essential to both regions that one 17th-century observer declared Boston “the mart town of the West Indies.”Go to footnote 154 detail As early as 1667 the governor of the English colony of Barbados acknowledged that “these colonies cannot in peace prosper, or in war subsist, without a correspondence with” the New England colonies.Go to footnote 155 detail
While large-scale plantation slavery never took root in New England, for more than a century, Boston merchants played an essential role in sustaining the sugar plantation economy of the Caribbean; many of those same merchants were important players in Harvard’s early history. New England ships carried enslaved people and critical supplies to the Caribbean islands. They brought back slave-produced commodities like sugar and molasses, most of which was then re-exported throughout the British empire.Go to footnote 744 detail As early as the 1630s there were already more than 20 ships plying trade between New England and the British Caribbean.Go to footnote 156 detail As Edmund Burke observed in 1757, New Englanders became “carriers for all the colonies of North America and the West-Indies, and even for some parts of Europe. They may be considered in this respect as the Dutch of America.”Go to footnote 157 detail
Here, too, we begin with Governor John Winthrop. As the historian Wendy Warren has observed, “To understand New England not only by the labor done within its colonies but even more by the commodities that came and went is to understand New England as John Winthrop did, by its place in the world.”Go to footnote 158 detail Winthrop saw the region’s profitable trade with the West Indies, in particular, as a gift of God for the benefit both of the Massachusetts Bay Colony’s economy and its reputation:
[I]t pleased the Lord to open to us a trade with Barbados and other Islands in the West Indies, which as it proved gainful, so the commodities we had in exchange there for our cattle and provisions, as sugar, cotton, tobacco, and indigo, were a good help to discharge our engagements in England. And this summer there was great a drouth [drought], as their potatoes and corn, etc., were burnt up; and divers London ships which rode there were so short of provisions as, if our vessels had not supplied them, they could not have returned home; which was an observable providence, that whereas many of the London seamen were wont to despise New England as a poor, barren country, should now be relieved by our plenty.Go to footnote 159 detail
Timber was of particular importance to New England merchants engaged in the triangle trade. Because ships could be built and rigged in New England using only the produce of the region’s forests, shipbuilding became a significant facet of its economy.Go to footnote 160 detail And with so much Atlantic trade focused on slave-grown commodities, Boston merchants soon became central to that industry as well. In 1700, Governor Richard Coote wrote that “more good vessels belong to Boston than to all Scotland and Ireland.”Go to footnote 161 detail Timber from New England was also used to build and rebuild the Caribbean’s sugar plantations, whose infrastructure required constant replacement: more than 75 hurricanes struck the region between 1700 and 1775.Go to footnote 162 detail
Trading connections grew stronger throughout the 18th century, as Caribbean planters relied on New Englanders to provide the vital supplies required to maintain the plantation complex. New England’s fishing industries fed the West Indies sugar plantations, sending “refuse fish”—“salt burnt, spotted, rotten, and carelessly ordered”— to “the Charib-Islands, Barbadoes, Jamaica, &c. who feed their Negroes with it.”Go to footnote 163 detail Dried cod from New England was “the meat of all the Slaves in all the West Indies.”Go to footnote 164 detail
Importantly, these provisions imported from New England allowed West Indian planters to allocate far more land to sugar than would otherwise have been possible, enabling the system to grow. In Barbados, for example, after an unsuccessful attempt in the first decades of the 1600s to produce tobacco, planters turned to sugar as their primary crop; by the 1670s, Barbados produced 65 percent of the sugar sold in England.Go to footnote 165 detail Initially, sugar was a scarce commodity and commanded very high prices in European markets. In 1647, at which time about half of Barbados’s arable land was used for sugar, Massachusetts Governor John Winthrop received a letter stating that planters in the island were “so intent upon planting sugar that they had rather buy foode at very deare rates than produce it by labour, soe infinite is the profitt of sugar workes once accomplished.”Go to footnote 166 detail As other colonies followed Barbados into the market, however, supply increased and prices fell sharply.Go to footnote 167 detail To remain profitable, planters were forced to devote an ever-greater percentage of land to the crop. By 1767, the share of Barbadian land producing sugar “had risen to 80 percent, which meant that virtually all land useful for agriculture of any kind was devoted to this one crop.”Go to footnote 168 detail
As the amount of land dedicated to sugar production increased, so too did the number of enslaved laborers needed to work it. According to one estimate, the population in the mid-18th century across the Caribbean encompassed approximately 725,000 enslaved people and just over 250,000 whites. In the English colonies to which New England was most closely tied the divide was even more extreme.Go to footnote 169 detail
In short, New England merchants provided Caribbean sugar plantations with vital supplies, which enabled planters to remain profitable and expand the brutal business of slavery far beyond anything they could have otherwise sustained. In return, New Englanders acquired capital and slave-produced goods that were essential to their trade throughout in the Atlantic world. This cycle was New England’s economic bedrock. In 1783, John Adams (AB 1755) wrote: “The Commerce of the West India Islands, is a Part of the American System of Commerce. They can neither do without Us nor We without them.”Go to footnote 170 detail
Footnotes
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Edmund Randolph, “Narrative of the State of New England” (1676), quoted in Peterson, City-State of Boston, 154.
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Governor William Lord Willoughby to the Privy Council, December 16, 1667, “America and West Indies: December 1667,” in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 5, 1661-1668, ed. W. Noel Sainsbury (London, UK: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1880), 520-534, http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol5/pp520-534. See also Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1994), 110, quoting also "America and West Indies: December 1667," in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies, vol. 5, 1661-1668, ed. W Noel Sainsbury (London, UK: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1880), 520-534.
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See Kimball, “‘What have we to do with slavery?’,” 181.
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Larry Gragg, “An Ambiguous Response to the Market: The Early New England-Barbados Trade,” Historical Journal of Massachusetts 17, no. 2 (Summer 1989): 177.
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Edmund Burke, An account of the European settlements in America: In six parts. I. A short history of the discovery of that part of the world. II. The manners and customs of the original inhabitants. III. Of the Spanish settlements. IV. Of the Portuguese. V. Of the French, Dutch, and Danish. VI. Of the English. Each part contains an accurate description of the settlements in it, their extent, climate, productions, trade, genius and disposition of their inhabitants: the interests of the several powers of Europe with respect to those settlements; and their political and commercial views with regard to each other, 2 vols. (London, UK: Printed for R. and J. Dodsley in Pall-Mall, 1760), 2:173, https://books.google.com/books?id=6Wg6AAAAcAAJ.
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Warren, New England Bound, 52.
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Hosmer, Winthrop’s Journal, 2:328. See also Warren, New England Bound, 51.
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Sir Charles Whitworth, State of the Trade of Great Britain in its Imports and Exports Progressively from the Year 1697 also of the Trade to each particular Country, during the above Period, distinguishing each year, in two parts with a Preface and Introduction Setting forth the Articles whereof each Trade consists, (London, UK: Printed for G. Robinson, etc., 1776), xlviii-xlviv.
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Governor the Earl of Bellomont to the Council of Trade and Plantations, November 28, 1700, “America and West Indies: November 1700, 26–30,” in Calendar of State Papers Colonial, America and West Indies: Volume 18, 1700, ed. Cecil Headlam (London, UK: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1910), accessed March 2, 2022, https://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-state-papers/colonial/america-west-indies/vol18/pp664-706, cited in Eric Bartholomew Kimball, “An Essential Link in a Vast Chain: New England and the West Indies, 1700–1775,” PhD diss. (University of Pittsburgh, 2009), 434, accessed March 7, 2024, https://d-scholarship.pitt.edu/7256/1/EricKimballDissertationMay12.pdf.
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Kimball, “‘What have we to do with slavery?’,” 188, citing Andrés Poey, “A Chronological Table, Comprising 400 Cyclonic Hurricanes Which Have Occurred in the West Indies and in the North Atlantic within 362 Years from 1493 to 1855: With a Bibliographical List of 450 Authors, Books, &c., and Periodicals, Where Some Interesting Accounts May be Found, Especially on the West and East Indian Hurricanes,” The Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London 25 (1855): 291–328.
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John Josselyn, An Account of Two Voyages to New-England: made during the years 1638, 1663 (1674; reprint, Boston: William Veazie, 1865), 210-211. Peterson, City-State of Boston, 113, notes that Massachusetts fishermen sent “refuse fish”—mackerel, which was considered low-grade compared to cod—to the West Indies at low prices to be fed to enslaved people. Warren, New England Bound, 55, argues that “New England merchants were by midcentury racializing food: products understood to be beneath English standards were deemed sufficient for enslaved peoples in the West Indies. Rotting fish, however unappetizing to European stomachs, was a relative bargain for the feeding of slaves, for it cost so much less. Colonists could pocket the difference.”
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“Testimony of George Walker of Barbados,” quoted in Christopher P. Magra, The Fisherman’s Cause: Atlantic Commerce and Maritime Dimensions of the American Revolution (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 95, cited in Kimball, “’What have we to do with slavery?’,” 186.
The West Indies also came to depend on New England’s whaling industry. In the 1750s, Nantucket whalers began to sell spermaceti head matter in Rhode Island, where chandlers turned this raw material into candles that were then exported to the Caribbean. By the eve of the American Revolution, over 90% of spermaceti candles in the Caribbean were imported from New England, with Rhode Island alone accounting for around 65% and Boston nearly 20% of the total. See Kimball, “’What have we to do with slavery?’,” 185, citing James B. Hedges, The Browns of Providence Plantations: Colonial Years (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1952), 86–122; Alexander Starbuck, History of the American Whale Fishery from its Earliest Inception to the Year 1876 (Waltham, MA: printed by the author, 1878), 152–153.
Such artificial lighting was essential to Caribbean sugar plantations, enabling them to operate through the night during the harvest period. See, for example, Dunn, Sugar and Slaves, 195.
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Philip D. Curtin, The Rise and Fall of the Plantation Complex: Essays in Atlantic History (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 83.
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Richard Vines to John Winthrop, July 19, 1647, in Winthrop Papers, Volume V, 1645-1649 (Boston, MA: Massachusetts Historical Society, 1947), 172, https://archive.org/details/winthroppapersv5wint/page/n3/mode/2up, as cited in Bernard Bailyn, The New England Merchants in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1955), 85.
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For an index of sugar prices in Barbados between 1652 and 1694, see Otis Paul Starkey, The Economic Geography of Barbados: A Study of the Relationships Between Environmental Variations and Economic Development (New York, NY: Columbia University Press, 1939).
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Curtin, Rise and Fall, 83.
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Stanley L. Engerman and B. W. Higman, “The demographic structure of the Caribbean slave Societies in the eighteenth and nineteenth Centuries,” in General History of the Caribbean, ed. Franklin W. Knight, vol. 3, The slave societies of the Caribbean (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 48-50, table 2.1.
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John Adams to Robert R. Livingston, 23 June 1783, Founders Online, National Archives, accessed February 4, 2022, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Adams/06-15-02-0025, quoted in Kimball, “‘What Have We to Do with Slavery?’,” 190.